WASHINGTON

Mike Pence's first 100 days: He's stayed above the fray, but what does that say about his influence?

Maureen Groppe
USA TODAY

WASHINGTON — Two moments. One of success and satisfaction. The other bitter disappointment. Together they illustrate the role that Vice President Pence has played at the start of the new administration.

President Trump and Vice President Pence walk on the South Driveway of the White House to greet Harley Davidson executives and union representatives on Feb. 2, 2017.

Before Pence walked into the Senate chamber on April 7 to preside over the confirmation of Neil Gorsuch to the Supreme Court, he stopped to savor what was about to happen.

“It’s a great day,” Pence told Leonard Leo, the Federalist Society leader with whom Pence worked closely on the nomination.

After all, having a Republican choose the replacement for Antonin Scalia had been one of Pence’s top sales pitches to fellow conservatives, particularly those not yet sold on the top of the ticket.

Delivering on another top promise for the first 100 days of the new administration — repealing the Affordable Care Act — proved much harder.

On March 24, Pence, whose close ties to his former legislative colleagues were seen as a major asset in helping the new administration get legislation through Congress, had to tell President Trump the House didn’t have the votes to pass the bill.

“That had to be tough news to deliver,” said John Hammond, a friend and Republican National Committee member from Indiana.

What House Speaker Paul Ryan described as the “growing pains” of “moving from an opposition party to a governing party” have hampered the Trump administration’s ability to act quickly. But so too have the many missteps of an administration which has been unusually fractious and undisciplined.

While having a hand in both the successes and failures of the new administration, Pence has largely remained above the fray amid the infighting for power among those in Trump's inner circle.

“It’s a good trick to still be part of the team but not have all of the negative stuff that’s gone on,” said Elaine Kamarck, a scholar at the Brookings Institution who worked for former vice president Al Gore.

But the question remains whether that’s a sign of Pence’s political skill or his lack of influence.

“That is going to be something that we only find out eventually,” Kamarck said.

Tony Perkins, the head of the Family Research Council who has known Pence for about two decades and continues to be in contact with him on issues such as protections for religious freedom, said Pence is not pushing his own agenda.

“He’s being very deferential to the president,” Perkins said. “Some would like to see him be more aggressive in advocating for some of these things. But for the long term, and his relationship with the president and for the benefit of the country, I think he’s taking the right approach.”

Pence declined an interview request. But Hammond said Pence has a broad portfolio, built on the trust he has developed with Trump that is strengthened with frequent contact and collaboration.

“They’ve come to an understanding about this partnership they’ve formed,” he said.

It’s clear Pence continues to fill many of the roles he played during the campaign.

  • He’s a liaison to the conservative groups who are counting on him to be their advocate in the White House. Pence’s staff, said conservative leader Brent Bozell, “makes me feel very comfortable that he is the person behind the scenes trying to keep the administration focused and, to the degree he possibly could, the Congress focused on its promises.”
  • He’s the disciplined spokesman for the administration, even when his ability to stay on message makes him look programmed. Exhibit A was the round of television interviews he gave after Trump's first address to Congress. Under the headline “Mike Pence’s ridiculously repetitive TV interviews,” The Washington Post mashed up clips of Pence praising Trump’s “broad shoulders and big heart” again and again, and calling it a “great speech and a great night for America.”
  • He’s still the defuser of some of Trump’s verbal bombs, including taking high-profile overseas trips — in February to reassure Europe that Trump stands by NATO and, this month, to reassure Pacific rim nations that Trump is committed to the region.

Those who know Pence say he seems to be enjoying the job without letting it change him too much.

“He was famous for saying in Congress, 'You’ve got to vote right and go home for dinner,’ ” said Rep. Luke Messer, who represents Pence’s old congressional district. “And I think he takes his job very seriously, but he’s managed to keep that same peace about him. He’s going to do the best that he can — and stay grounded.”

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More helpmate than activist

Pence said after the election he would draw inspiration for his new job from George H.W. Bush's tenure under President Reagan because Bush served a leader “who came to Washington, D.C., to bring transformational change.”

Pence was describing his intended role as more helpmate than activist vice president. Ron Klain, who served as top aide to Vice Presidents Al Gore and Joe Biden, said there’s not much evidence that Pence has played a significant role on such issues as using military force in Syria or how to move forward on tax reform or an infrastructure package.

“He might be being extremely disciplined about rendering that advice in private with the president. If he is, kudos to him,” Klain said. “But vice presidential influence leaves footprints and we’re not seeing a lot of footprints.”

Vice President Pence in the Oval Office on March 31, 2017.

The decision to launch missiles against Syria was made in Mar-a-Lago, where Trump spends a substantial amount of time, without Pence being there. Even though Pence was video-conferenced in, one way vice presidents have influence is by proximity.

“And if the room is in Mar-a-Lago, it’s harder for Mike Pence to be in the room,” Klain said.

The firing of National Security Adviser Michael Flynn after he lied to Pence about his conversations with the Russians painted a confusing picture of Pence’s internal standing.

On the one hand, Trump said he fired Flynn for misleading Pence. But he never told Pence he’d been lied to. Instead, Pence found out by reading about it in The Washington Post.

“I don’t think that would’ve happened in other recent vice presidencies. I read it as a bad sign for Pence,” said Joel Goldstein of St. Louis University, an expert on the vice presidency. “Another possibility is just that it reflected governing incompetence and it wasn’t directed at Pence.”

But while Pence has been given consequential assignments in dealing with Congress, foreign leaders and other “spokesperson roles,” Goldstein said, “you don’t get the feeling that this is the second coming of Dick Cheney or Joe Biden at this point.”

Key role on Gorsuch

There’s no question, however, that Pence was heavily involved in Gorsuch’s nomination. Along with Trump’s chief of staff, top counsel and others, Pence was among the senior administration officials who helped screen the nominees. Once Gorsuch was chosen, Leo said Pence was also one of the three key people who “helped make sure this was rolled out timing-wise in the best way possible.”

Pence was part of that rollout, giving major speeches and interviews about Gorsuch, and accompanying him to meetings with key senators.

“The vice president is obviously someone who is capable of helping to coalesce the center right,” Leo said.

Although Pence’s vote wasn’t needed to confirm Gorsuch, he wanted to take advantage of his position as president of the Senate to preside over the vote.

“It’s something Mike is very proud of,” Hammond said. Being in the Senate president’s chair to announce the final vote indicated “this is seen as a very important historic moment in the conservative movement as well as within the Trump/Pence administration.

“Symbolically, I think it was extremely important for him to be there,” Hammond said.

Vice President Pence arrives on at the U.S. Senate for the confirmation vote for Neil Gorsuch on April 7, 2017.

Pence’s presence was required to break a tie over the nomination of Betsy DeVos to be Education secretary, the first time a vice president had to provide the final vote for a cabinet nominee.

Texas investor Doug Deason, a member of the Koch brothers network who backed Trump’s candidacy, said DeVos is just one of several Koch network allies with significant roles in the administration, including some who previously worked for Pence.

“I think he’s had a huge influence on that,” Deason said of Pence. “He’s very influential in the appointments that have been made so far and will be more influential in the future.”

In addition to casting the deciding vote for DeVos, Pence did the same for legislation allowing states to withhold federal funds from Planned Parenthood and other health care providers that perform abortions.

Pence, who led early efforts to defund Planned Parenthood while serving in Congress, also became in February the highest-ranking administration official to appear in person at the March for Life demonstration, an annual event organized by anti-abortion activists.

“I don’t think it would have been possible to do a better job in the first 100 days on the life issue,” said Susan B. Anthony List President Marjorie Dannenfelser.

She’s still hoping, though, for passage of the GOP health care overhaul bill which includes blocking federal funding to Planned Parenthood and making permanent an annual budget rider that prohibits federal funding from paying for abortions except under certain circumstances.

After the health care bill was pulled from the floor, Dannenfelser participated in a meeting Pence convened in his office with administration officials, activists and others to reset everyone’s resolve in getting a bill passed.

“I could see it in his face because I was sitting right next to him,” Dannenfelser said, “that it might not be everything everybody wants, but it’s a giant step forward.”

Asked whether she would have been invited to that meeting if Pence weren’t vice president, Dannenfelser laughed.

“No. I really don’t,” she said. “There is no better ally to the pro-life movement than Mike Pence. I’m only there because of his dedication to the issue. This is so in his DNA.”

While Christian conservatives are still waiting for action on some of their top priorities including a "religious freedom" executive order, Perkins said progress is being made and Pence’s presence is reassuring.

“There is a sense of comfort in the fact that you’ve got a vice president who may not be working from the inside to pass these things or get these things done,” Perkins said, “but when the president asks for his input, I think there’s a great confidence that the vice president is going to provide solid counsel that will be in line with what a lot of evangelicals feel and think.”

Renewed push on health care

Trump trusts Pence to take the lead on the ongoing health care negotiations, said North Carolina Rep. Mark Meadows, who heads the House Freedom Caucus, the group of hard-line conservatives who were the critical force behind the March implosion of the bill. Since then, Pence has been working with both the conservatives and more moderate members of the House GOP caucus to try to find a bill both sides can support.

Meadows said Pence, who called him multiple times over Congress’ recent two-week recess (even while on his own vacation) to discuss negotiations, has been “as they would say in western North Carolina, like a dog on point that won’t give up.”

While Trump has lashed out at members of the Freedom Caucus over the bill, Freedom Caucus founder Jim Jordan of Ohio is full of praise for Pence — who was helpful to Jordan when he entered Congress in 2007 and is “a guy I look up to and continue to look up to.”

Pence has particular credibility with the Freedom Caucus because he wasn’t afraid, as a member of Congress, to defy his party’s leadership on big issues, including his opposition to a Medicare drug benefit and President Bush’s signature education bill.

When the Freedom Caucus’ opposition to the health care legislation came up during a White House meeting with members of the House leadership, Messer told Trump that the caucus members are good people who love their country.

“I tapped on Mike’s shoulder and said, 'You know Mr. President, a rabble rouser can grow up and become vice president of the United States,' ” Messer said. “Mike sort of smiled.”

Vice President Pence departs after a meeting of House Republicans on Capitol Hill on April 4, 2017, as Republicans were hoping to win over the Freedom Caucus on a new health care bill.

New Jersey Rep. Tom MacArthur, a leader of the Tuesday Group caucus of centrist Republicans, said Pence also understands lawmakers represent different constituencies. After listening to lawmakers talk about bridging the gap between those representing more conservative and more moderate districts, Pence called a late-night meeting to address that issue, MacArthur said.

During a social dinner of pork chops at the vice president’s residence, Pence had his guests share something about themselves that the others might not have known.

“He’s tried to help without going too far,” MacArthur said. “I’ve always found him engaged. I don’t think I’ve had a meeting with him yet where he didn’t have a little brown notebook with him that he takes notes in.”

One of their conversations sparked in MacArthur an idea for changes to the health care bill he recently proposed. Eager to tick off a major accomplishment in the first 100 days, the White House pushed for a vote this week. But while MacArthur's amendment won over a number of conservative lawmakers — as well as conservative activists groups that had pressured lawmakers to oppose the initial version — it's not clear whether there's enough support from more moderate members for it to pass.

If it does become law, that could be Pence’s most important contribution to the administration’s first year, Klain said.

“But conversely, if he doesn’t get it done, then he was given the ball and couldn’t get it in the end zone.”

Kamarck, however, said Pence is likely to avoid much of the blame because “this particular issue is a lot broader than Mike Pence and goes to the whole party.”

Pence, while not being able to make Trump more presidential, has been the normal, conservative Republican politician in an often unhinged administration, Kamarck said.

“He does seem like he’s the only grown-up in the White House,” she said. “He gives even a Democrat like me hope that this won’t be a total disaster.”

Hammond said the job is challenging but Pence has maintained his sunny, optimistic personality.

"I know he finds it hard and there’s a lot of pressure. But I think he really enjoys being where he is," Hammond said. "He bops out of bed every morning, I think, ready for action."

Contributing: Eliza Collins